By Edmondo Lupieri
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Nor can we afford in a neoliberal era the traditional liberal assumption that public interests will be attended to by the state and private interests will be addressed by the individual. ”61 By reclaiming the best elements of republican and liberal models of the state, of citizenship, and of civic education—taking up the project of autonomy and self-institution as well as a commitment to fundamental rights and freedoms as The Post-9/11 University and the Project of Democracy 43 pedagogical imperatives—it is possible to challenge the disappearance of politics itself.
21 Not only has the ACTA charged the academy with rampant anti-Americanism, but also with creating a climate hostile to students and professors, particularly if they are untenured, who support the 28 Take Back Higher Education war efforts first in Afghanistan and then Iraq, but feel too browbeaten by peaceniks to display their patriotism publicly. Only those who oppose the war on terrorism are licensed to voice their opinions and concerns. The fear of reprisal felt by Bush’s supporters has, from ACTA’s perspective, a chilling effect on “the robust exchange of ideas .
32 Throwing all scholarly caution and integrity to the wind with such wild reductions, Rothstein concludes: One can only hope that finally, as the ramifications sinks in [sic], as it becomes clear how close the attack came to undermining the political, military and financial authority of the United States, the Western relativism of pomo and the obsessive focus on poco will be widely seen as ethically perverse. 33 Similarly, the Weekly Standard ran an editorial screed by Waller R. ” Like Rothstein, Newell traced—in a bizarre juxtaposition of intellectual traditions—the reigning political ideology of Al Qaeda to “European Marxist postmodernism,” and in particular to the work of Martin Heidegger, Jean-Paul Sartre, Frantz Fanon, and Jacques Derrida.